5.7.15

Bauk sunitsko-šiitskog sukoba

Sukob sunita i šiita je ispolitiziran od moćnika kako bi preko tih vjerskih, kulturnih i sektaških osjećanja širili svoj politički utjecaj.


Piše: Muhamed Jusić (Al Jazeera)

Tokom mog nedavnog boravka u Kuvajtu desio se strašan teroristički napad na šiitsku džamiju Imam Sadik u kojem je ubijeno 27 ljudi, a 227 ranjeno. Napad se desio 26. juna 2015. za vrijeme džume-namaza u centru grada ne tako daleko od moga hotela. Samo noć prije s prijateljem sam prošao pored te džamije. Iako nešto slično nije bilo neočekivano s obzirom da danas nijedna država ne može ustvrditi da je sigurna od terorizma, ovaj napad je došao kao šok za sve Kuvajćane.
Jednostavno, u ovoj mirnoj i prosperitetnoj monarhiji, koja naravno ima brojne političke i društvene izazove, ipak nisu navikli na slične napade kakvi su u njihovom okruženju skoro pa svakodnevnica. Od iračke invazije na Kuvajt nije bilo terorističkih napada sa velikim brojem žrtava.
Posljednji takav napad bio je 1983. kada je prošiitska milicija iz Iraka s navodnim vezama s Iranom izvela bombaški napad u kojem je ubijeno pet, a ranjeno 90 ljudi. U dvijehiljaditim bilo je više napada na strane državljane, nekoliko hapšenja militanata povezanih sa Al- Kaidom, ali ništa ovakvih razmjera.
Tradicionalni centar
Odgovornost za napad je preuzela Islamska država Irak i Levant, tačnije njen ogranak koji se naziva Imaret en-Nedžd ili provincija Nedžd (kao administrativna jedinica hilafeta i ID) koja je objavila i poruku napadača u kojoj objašnjava zašto je izveo napad na ono što on naziva da je „šiitski hram“. Ista organizacija je preuzela i odgovornost za dva napada na šiitske džamije u većinski šiitskim regijama Saudijske Arabije krajem maja ove godine u kojima je ubijeno 26 ljudi. U međuvremenu su zaprijetili da će nastaviti s napadima na šiite u Nedždu, tradicionalnom centru iz kojeg se proširio selefijski pokret, posebno u susjednom Bahreinu s ciljem destabilizacije „nevjerničkih režima i osvete odmetnicima od vjere koji sunite ubijaju u Iraku, Siriji i Jemenu.“
Nešto oko pola sata nakon napada vladar Kuvajta, emir Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Sabah, koji ima preko osamdeset godina, posjetio je mjesto napada. Kamere su zabilježile njegove suze i to kako je dok su mu govorili da mjesto nije osigurano insistirao da uđe u džamiju uz riječi „hadol ajali“ili „oni su moja porodica“. Ova reakcija vladajuće porodice i način na koji su državni mediji izvještavali, naravno nije slučajna, i  govori o tome koliko su svi bili svjesni o kako opasnom napadu se radi i koji je njegov konačan cilj. Odnosno, kako je malo potrebno da se Kuvajt destabilizuje. Prema nezvaničnim podacima skoro trećina Kuvajćana su šiiti i tenzije su već dugo, na političkom ali i društvenom planu, vrlo visoke. Mnogi šiiti se osjećaju marginaliziranim i obespravljenim dok pozamašan broj sunita u njima vidi tek „petu kolonu iranskog homeinijevskog režima“ koji želi da destabilizuje region i izvozom „islamske revolucije“ proširi svoj utjecaj. Ne treba tu zaboraviti ni historijsku netrpeljivost između Arapa i Perzijanaca koja se lahko instrumentalizira i koja sve šiite Arape želi prikazati kao sluge Fursa ili Perzije.
Nije malo onih koji su nakon napada ustvrdili da od ovakvog razvoja događaja korist može imati samo ISIL i Iran. ISIL koji je u tim danima želio da skrene pažnju sa svojih gubitaka na Sjeveru Sirije na granici sa Turskom i koji želi da po modelu Iraka i Sirije kroz unutarmuslimanske sukobe oslabi centralnu vlast, stvori anarhiju koju će onda popuniti svojim modelom vladavine i diktature terora. Prema takvom tumačenju dešavanja Iranu odgovara da se zaljevske zemlje sa značajnom šiitskom populacijom destabilizuju kako bi se oni pojavljivali kao jedini zaštitnici šiita i kako bi time sebi stvorili prostor za uplitanje u unutrašnje probleme zaljevskih država, te ih na taj način kaznili zbog zajedničkog napada na husijune i lojaliste svrgnutog predsjednika Ali Abdullaha Saleha u Jemenu.
Sijanje nepovjerenja
Kakogod, napad na jednu od najstarijih šiitskih džamija u Kuvajtu je aktuelizirao problem sektaštva u muslimanskom svijetu i sijanja nepovjerenja umjesto promocije ideja dijaloga među različitim muslimanskim sljedbama. Tolerisanje govora mržnje, huškanja na nesitomišljenike i nepostojanje unutarmuslimanskog dijaloga se pretvorilo u ozbiljan problem koji otvara prostor da se unutarmuslimanske razlike politiziraju, što u konačnici neminovno vodi unutarmuslimanskim sukobima.
Danas je pitanje „nacionalnog jedinstva svake države“ ali i muslimana kao pripadnika jedne duhovne zajednice ili Ummeta postalo ključno za očuvanje stabilnosti ne samo Kuvajta nego skoro svih bliskoistočnih, pa time i muslimanskih država. Bauk sunitsko-šiitskog sukoba koji će razoriti muslimanska društva iznutra se nadvio nad muslimanskim svijetom.
Čini se da je vladajuća porodica, ali i apsolutna većina Kuvajćana, prozrela tu opasnost i učinila sve da napadači ne postignu svoj cilj i da u Kuvajtu ne ostave prostora sektaškim sukobima. U Velikoj džamiji, u kojoj se okupljaju suniti i koja je centralna džamija države Kuvajt, organizovano je zajedničko iskazivanje saučešća za sve žrtve, emir je osigurao privatni avion koji je prevezao one žrtve čije su porodice izrazile želju da budu ukopani u iračkom Nedžefu ,svetom mjestu za sve šiite u svijetu“. Ovaj petak organizovana je zajednička džuma- namaz za sunite i šiite u Kuvajtu, ali i u obližnjem Bahreinu gdje su sunitsko-šiitske podjele još više ispolitizirane. Politizacija vjere, pa tako i onih partikularnih identiteta u njoj, postala je gorući problem muslimanskog svijeta.
Ono što je bitno da znamo da rat na Bliskom istoku nije rat za islam niti protiv njega, kao što ni sukobi nisu između sunita i šiita. Radi se o zloupotrebi islama zarad ostvarivanja političkih ciljeva brojnih regionalnih i svjetskih moćnika. I sukob sunita i šiita je ispolitiziran od istih moćnika kako bi preko tih vjerskih, kulturnih i sektaških osjećanja širili svoj politički utjecaj.
Posrednički ratovi
Danas se u tom dijelu svijeta vode posrednički ratovi između Zapada i Rusije, Irana i Saudijske Arabije i brojnih drugih koji ne žele da vide da tim svojim ratovima uništavaju arapska društva i da ih razdiru iznutra. Ničije maslo tamo nije za ramazana, a cijenu plaćaju nedužni.
Muslimanski narodi i drugi u tom dijelu svijeta sada u rat ulaze navodno zbog vjere, a vrlo lahko bi, kao i Evropljani nekada, iz njega mogli izaći bez vjere koja će kroz stravične zločine i manipulaciju izgubiti svaki smisao među tamošnjim narodima. Islam je vjera koja je u jednom periodu historije od naroda koji su ga prihvatili napravila jednu od najvećih civilizacija koje je svijet poznavao a sada ih neki maloumnici koji nastupaju u ime vjere vraćaju u najgori period džahilijeta ili „perioda neznanja“ kako se u islamskoj tradiciji nazivao predislamski period Arabije kada su tamošnja plemena bila u brutalnom bratoubilačkom ratu.
Ti i takvi kao da guraju točak historije unazad i bacaju ljagu na islam i muslimane koju će teško ikada saprati. Najbolje bi bilo da takvi prestanu braniti i islam i muslimane, jer što oni više brane islam istinske vjere je sve manje, a zločina u njeno ime sve više, a i muslimani sve više stradaju, sada ubijajući sami sebe.

Stavovi izraženi u ovom tekstu su autorovi i ne odražavaju nužno uredničku politiku Al Jazeere.
Izvor: Al Jazeera


1.7.15

Jusić: Our actions should not benefit terrorists


The threat of violent extremism and terrorism has become a global reality and no threat of use of force to achieve political or any other goal should be ignored. But we must also think about the politicization of the "war against terrorism", the manipulation of it, and errors in the methods used to counter terrorism, says Muhamed Jusic, Islamic theologian and analyst, commenting on the developments in the Middle East.
"One of the most common mistakes in this war is generalization, or presentation of terrorism as something Islamic, supported by all Muslims in the world. I'm not sure whether those who in our public do not distinguish between small groups of radicals and all Muslims in the Balkans, Europe and in the world, fall into this trap deliberately or not, or whether they are trying to deepen the conflict between, conditionally speaking, all Muslims and the West, rather than use joint efforts to condemn a small group of fanatics and radicals. They do not see, or will not see, that these groups are killing Muslims alongside non-Muslims, and that in fact, most of their victims around the world are precisely Muslims. Those who choose to believe these things, consciously or not, are making favors to terrorists and violent extremists whose goal is to present themselves as representatives of Islam and Muslims", Jusic said in an interview for Pobjeda daily.

According to him, the best response to the mad videos these extremists post is to achieve more freedom, more inter-religious and inter-ethnic cooperation and more work for a better common future of all nations in the Balkans.

"Spreading fear, politicizing terrorist threats, denying Muslim nations and communities in the Balkans their legitimate political demands and problems because of their alleged links with global terrorism, will only strengthen the terrorists and help them achieve their goal. They want to see the world in chaos. They want to prove that Muslims are threatened by others everywhere in the world, including the Balkans, and that only they can protect them, by using force. By inhibiting Islamophobia and the antis-Islamic sentiment, we are depriving terrorists of their primary weapon to mobilize new followers. Broadcasting of footage whose main actors died in the Syrian war a few months ago could not have occurred by chance in the days when Pope Francis was scheduled to visit Sarajevo. This is the best proof of what I just said, revealing the goal of the video's producers: to send a different message to the region than the one Sarajevo and the Pope sent that day", says Jusic.

The Balkans is a vulnerable area; close to the memory of the suffering and chaos of the nineties in which extremists of all nations "fed each other." However, Jusic said the rightists around Europe and in the world are seeking justification for their xenophobic and no less violent attitude towards all Muslims in the actions of a small group of extremists.

"Such an approach should not be repeated, especially here in the former Yugoslavia, where we have long experience of multiculturalism and coexistence of different religious and ethnic groups. Especially now that we know where sowing fear and prejudice against "the others" took us in the nineties. I believe the horrific crimes of the period, which culminated with the genocide in Srebrenica, must be a lesson for the future, that this region never again plays with hate and fear", said Jusic.

http://www.cdm.me/english/jusic-our-actions-should-not-benefit-terrorists

26.6.15

Avaz o The Guardianovom tekstu


The Guardina o našem istraživanju


Isis targets vulnerable Bosnia for recruitment and attack


High youth unemployment, ethnic tensions and political paralysis help jihadis lure young people to Syria and open up new terror front in heart of Europe
Julian Borger in Sarajevo
Islamic State has expanded its efforts to recruit fighters in Bosnia and incite terrorist attacks there, taking advantage of the world’s highest youth unemployment rate and chronic political paralysis.
The initiative, though small in scale, is causing alarm in western capitals, where diplomats fear that the mix of economic malaise and ethnic tensions represents fertile terrain for extremism, and that Europe could come to regret the failure to confront Bosnia’s profound structural problems in the two decades since the war.
Isis produced a new recruitment video this month, targeting the Balkans region and Bosnia and Herzegovina in particular. The 20-minute film, entitled Honour is in Jihad, features several Bosnian Isis fighters exhorting their fellow countrymen to join the battle in Syria or carry out opportunistic attacks on perceived enemies of Islam at home.
“If you can, put explosives under the cars, in their houses, all over them. If you can, take poison and put it in their drink or food. Make them die, make them die of poisoning, kill them wherever you are. In Bosnia, in Serbia, in Sandzak [a region in south-west Serbia]. You can do it,” one of the Bosnians, identified by a pseudonym, Salahuddin al-Bosni, implores the audience in Bosnian.
A newly published report on jihadism found: “Returning foreign fighters from Syria and Iraq – battle-hardened, skilled in handling arms and explosives, and ideologically radicalised – pose a direct threat not only to the security of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also of the region and beyond.”

The report, The Lure of the Syrian War: The Foreign Fighters’ Bosnian Contingent, found that in 2013 and 2014, 156 Bosnian men and 36 women travelled to Syria, taking with them 25 children. Out of that number, 48 men and three women had returned by January of this year.
The authors, Sarajevo University associate political science professor Vlado Azinović and Islamic theologian and columnist Muhamed Jusić, found that Bosnia was ill-equipped to deal with the potential threat. It is a weak state, split by a 1995 peace agreement into two entities, a federation of Muslims (known as Bosniaks) and Croats, and a Serb republic. Furthermore the federation is divided into 10 cantons. Twenty-two police agencies operate in the country with overlapping jurisdictions and roles.
“Generally, there is a lack of coordination between local law-enforcement agencies on [foreign fighter-] related issues,” the report says, noting there is no single database on foreign fighters,and the existing data is “mostly scattered, often incomplete or disorganised”.
“This results in significant gaps in understanding and monitoring of the phenomenon,” it notes, adding that government “lacks a discernible strategy” to confront the looming problem.
“We are not doing anything. We are just observing,” Azinović said. 
Kristina Jozić, a spokeswoman for the Bosnian state investigation and protection agency (Sipa), responsible for internal security, said it would analyse the Isis video with a view to identifying Bosnians involved in criminal offences.
“The return of individuals participating in the armed conflict in Syria, fighting with Isis, is undoubtedly a security challenge and a threat, the extent of which is hard to determine at this time,” Jozić said. “Sipa constantly checks allegations of terrorist activities, whether it be on trips to foreign battlefields, financing, recruitment or other terror-related activities ... and will take the necessary action.”

According to diplomatic sources, the Sarajevo government is preparing a new counter-terrorism strategy, with greater emphasis on prevention and rehabilitation of returned fighters, and presented a draft to General John Allen, the US special envoy for countering Isis, when he visited Sarajevo on 8 June. 
Salafist communities operating outside the official mosques have sprung up in three districts, Gornja Maoča, Osve and Dubnica, and “pop-up” radical mosques, often funded from the Gulf, have appeared in Sarajevo, Zenica and Tuzla.
After three years of observing Bosnian jihadis, the authors place them in two broad categories: veterans who fought alongside mujahideen volunteers from the Arab world in the 1992-1995 Bosnian conflict, and young Bosnian men “driven mostly by adrenaline and a quest for self-validation, self-respect, group belonging, and purpose”. Almost a third of the Bosnian Isis recruits had criminal records.
Chronic deadlock between the rival entities has contributed to economic stagnation and a 63% unemployment rate among young Bosnians, the highest official rate in the world. Bosnian society, which the report says “is gradually losing the ability to manage itself”, is becoming a factor in the flow of Isis recruits.
Like most Isis videos, Honour is in Jihad supplies slickly edited, emotive images married to a seductive narrative. It paints an idyllic picture of insurgent life in Syria, with Bosnian, Kosovan and Albanian fighters walking off to battle like a smiling band of brothers while enjoying time with their families on their days off, complete with complimentary cars.
Isis has produced a stream of similar videos aimed at recruits from France, Somalia, Yemen, Libya and several other countries, each one tailored to local culture and history.
With the use of computer graphics, the film portrays the sweep of Balkan history as a prolonged expropriation of inherently “Muslim lands”, first by “crusaders”, then atheistic communists, and finally nationalists. The current Bosniak political leadership are painted as collaborators with the enemies of Islam “preparing you like sheep for the next genocide”.
With a dramatic skewing of history, the film credits the mujahideen brigade with “repelling the Serbs” in the Bosnian war, although in reality it had a limited impact on a small section of the frontline. Meanwhile it depicts the large-scale US-led air campaign against the Bosnian Serb military as incidental and somehow designed to prevent the rise of the Muslim faithful.
“The massacres will be repeated if Muslims don’t return to your religion,” an elderly jihadi, Abu Safiyah al-Bosni, declares in the film. He is believed to be a Muslim from Sandzak rcalled Abid Podbićanin, and was reported killed in Syria in March.
Salahuddin al-Bosni, who issued the calls for murder earlier in the video and is thought to be a Bosnian called Ines Midzic, apparently died in battle at about the same time. The Bosnian authorities believe another two participants in the film are also dead; another is seriously wounded.
Western government officials believe that the roughly 50 jihadis who have come back to Bosnia so far represent a manageable load for the Bosnian intelligence and security agencies, despite their many divisions and flaws. But they also worry that the scale of the problem could escalate dramatically given the parlous conditions of Bosnia’s economy and society.
In the only potential terrorist incident to cause casualties in Bosnia this year, a 24-year-old Bosniak man from the area around the Serb-run town of Zvornik, drove to its police station on April 27 and opened fire, killing one officer and injuring two others before being shot dead himself.
The gunman, Nerdin Ibrić, was found to have been a friend of a local man who had returned from Syria, but the extent to which he had come under jihadi influence is unclear. Official reports said Ibrić shouted “Allahu Akbar” as he launched his attack, but other accounts said he hurled curses at his targets. It also turned out that Ibrić’s father was among 750 Muslim men rounded up by Serb police and paramilitaries in June 1992, at the start of the war, and killed.
The nationalist Serb authorities reacted as if the shooting had been a major offensive. “This is the worst terrorism attack that could happen in the Serb Republic,” Dragan Lukač, the region’s interior minister, told local television, adding that it “could be the start of much worse events in Bosnia and Herzegovina”.
The Serb leadership used the shooting as a pretext for arresting large numbers of Bosniaks on their territory, and claimed it justified the creation of a new Serb special police squad. Western diplomats argued it was a reason for better coordination among the existing 22 police forces rather than for creating a new one.